Cultural Biases Reflected in the Hominid Fossil Record
By Joshua Barbach and Craig Byron
Abstract:
An examination of the published hominid fossil record reveals political
and cultural bias. An example of this societal influence is the Age of
Enlightenment of the mid-19th century. Prevailing European ideology established
specifically Eurocentric recovery patterns. Later developments, such as
the Neo-Darwinian Synthesis in the mid-1900s, led to an increasingly sophisticated
understanding of humanity’s origins. These developments are reflected
by an increase in the recovery and publication of Asian and African fossil
hominid sites.
Introduction
The discipline of Anthropology has served the data for several ethnocentric
arguments interpreting human antiquity. Biometrics and modern human variation
have been the vehicle for racist programs throughout the 19th and early
20th century. A significant factor of this equation is the prevailing
view of human origins. Specifically, the geographic location of fossil
humans has been used to argue for continuity of modern people and their
pre-historic fossil counterparts. Given this factor, a differential recovery
of fossils between continental regions could lead to misunderstood notions
of human evolution.
An examination of the published human fossil record reveals a significant
bias favoring the European continent. The early stages of human fossil
recovery are near entirely contained within Europe throughout the 1800s.
As discussed below, we believe this to be the product of several cultural
biases. Of these were prevailing notions of science and man’s place in
nature. Also, the individual biases inherent with each researcher severely
limited any collecting or interpretational activities. Not until the modern
theoretical framework of human evolution was established do significant
human fossil localities create a more representable spatial and temporal
pattern of pre-history. As evidenced by the line graph in figure 1, the
early to mid-1900s (~ 1900-1950) saw a surge of fossil localities being
recorded from the Asian and African continents.
A major cause in the rise of human fossil localities was the changing
view of man by the scientific community. In this view, the integration
of Darwin’s theory of natural selection, Mendel’s principles of heredity
and genetics, and the molecular evidence for DNA combined to forge the
New Evolutionary Synthesis or otherwise referred to as the Neo-Darwinian
Synthesis. This new paradigm opened the Asian and African continents to
a changed collecting pattern.
Methods
We used Oakley et al’s Catalogue of Fossil Hominids, Parts I, II, III
as well as Wu and Poirier’s Human Evolution in China: A Metric Description
of the Fossils and a Review of the Sites in order to note the year of
publication for recorded hominid fossil localities. Fossil sites within
the localities were also used as this better represents the wealth of
material from different regions. For example, the number of fossil localities
in Africa and Asia is significantly smaller than in Europe. However, the
number of sites with localities in Africa and Asia dwarf the single site/single
locality trend we see in Europe, figure 3. The publication date was chosen,
as opposed to the collection date, to more accurately represent the year
in which the scientific community could be influenced. The year of publication
was plotted against the number of human fossil localities recorded from
three continents, Africa, Asia and Europe. The patterns emerged from this
were interpreted with the development of scientific philosophy throughout
the past two centuries. Specifically, the Neo-Darwinian Synthesis provided
a newly productive approach as indicated in the published Anthropology
literature.
Discussion
Of extreme importance when considering human fossils is the notion of
man’s place in nature and the understanding of evolutionary processes
by the ‘culture’ that discovers and describes these fossils. An interpretation
always operates according to the limits set by the interpreter and the
environment in which the interpretation takes place. A severely limiting
notion held by the Western community throughout the past two millennia
was Plato’s Typology represented by such works as Republic. It is in the
seventh book of this collection, The Allegory of the Cave, that deals
with the notion of typology. This long-accepted notion of physical reality
posited that all objects, including animals and people, were unable to
mimic their ideal form. As a result, variation in attributes reflects
the imperfection in nature which is attempting to produce ideal types.
Specifically, the work of Johann F. Blumenbach, 1752-1840, is shaped according
to this philosophy. Blumenbach was committed to the idea of monogenism,
in which proponents interpreted the human races as unified and descended
from a single origin. Operating under this view of the human races and
Plato’s Typology, Blumenbach created an argument that helped forge the
early paradigm for the search of human fossils. It was his belief that
Caucasians represented the Platonic Ideal and that all other human races,
descended from the same origin according to the monogenist philosophy,
were divergences from this ideal type (Wolpoff and Caspari 1997:62). Essentially,
Blumenbach emplaced a search and recovery model for human fossils according
to the regional location of the ideal human type, i.e. Europe.
Also during this time, early 1800s, the scientific community at large
was dealing with the notion of man’s place in the natural world. Chevalier
de Larmarck, 1744-1829, first presented the notion of evolution as an
explanation for the diversity but yet unity of all life on earth. His
Zoological Philosophy, of 1809, presented a natural philosophy for the
plants and animals around the world (Birx 1984:12). Where humans figured
into this naturalist philosophy was controversial. If man was a product
of this natural process of evolution, some felt their view of religion,
and more specifically Christianity, was compromised. It was through the
work of Ludwig Feuerbach, 1804-1872, that helped place man in this natural
realm of evolution. Feurbach was a German theologist and philosopher who
broke from the German idealists (Leibniz, Kant and Hegel) by positing
a new school of thought known as naturalist humanism. This philosophy
featured a scientific and rational attitude towards man in nature. More
importantly, our species was seen as an evolved animal; we were the product
of an evolutionary process (Birx 1984:8).
The Age of Enlightenment, mid-1800s, synthesized many of these newly emerging
philosophies as well as sciences such as geology, paleontology and archaeology.
A new worldview was gleaned from this growing body of evidence arguing
for human evolution (Birx 1984:12). The Age of Enlightenment saw a new
view for European pre-history provided by Jacques Boucher de Perthes and
Christian Thomson. Boucher de Perthes published his study of hominid fossils
associated with Paleolithic artifacts in 1836. The evidence of these artifacts
associated with extinct faunal remains argued for the antiquity of man
in France (Schick and Toth 1993:61). Thomson was from Denmark and invented
the three age system, (Stone Age, Bronze Age, Iron Age), which was used
throughout the world. This system was created to interpret European pre-history.
A major bias occurs simply as the result of applying this specifically
European concept to the pre-history of the other continents.
Throughout this time, the revolution of scientific philosophy was an insular
occurrence. The European continent saw this change in worldview. Africa
and Asia were little, if at all, affected by this paradigm shift. We think
it follows then that the recovery of fossils in Europe and their interpretation
as having to do with man’s ancestry were contingent upon the paradigms
set in place by the Age of Enlightenment.
One of the most influential ideas to come from the Age of Enlightenment
was Darwin’s theory of Natural Selection. This theory synthesized what
had been floating in the circles of progressive philosophy. By the end
of the 1800s, most of Western and Eastern European naturalists accepted
this view (Birx 1984:18). Unfortunately, Darwin’s view of man’s ancestral
affinities to apes and the location of those fossils was ignored by many.
The idea of deep human ancestry in Africa or Asia was difficult to accept
and a full realization of this notion does not occur until the mid-20th
century.
Arthur Shopenhauer, 1788-1860, was an early proponent of man’s ape origins.
His was a metaphysical approach as evidenced by The World as Will and
Representation, Vol. 2, published in 1844. Shopenhauer argued that humans
were born from a chimpanzee in Africa and an orangutan in Asia (Birx 1984:27).
His idea was perhaps too outlandish coming from a non-scientific approach.
No real understanding of biological evolution and man’s origins were taken
from this. However, his opinion of man’s ape ancestry was unique to human
evolutionary thought and not until a few years later would this issue
be addressed.
Charles Darwin, 1809-1882, in his book Descent of Man published in 1871,
synthesized the views of two of his colleagues Huxley and Haeckel. It
was in this book where Darwin first stated man was a product of the same
evolutionary forces that produced the rest of the biological variation
we see in the world. In the scope of his work, Darwin brought together
the work of several natural historians as well as the two pillars of Western
society, Aristotle and Aquinas, and created a revolution in scientific
thought. It was in this important work that Darwin proposed man’s common
ancestry with apes. Because of this, evidence would be found on the continent
of Africa (Birx 1984:140).
This notion of ape ancestry was called, by Huxley, Haeckel and Darwin,
the pithecometra thesis. This idea first postulated by Thomas Henry Huxley
in his 1863 essay On the Origin of Species, stated that man was more closely
related to apes than apes were to monkeys. Therefore, if one is to find
evidence of this close ancestry to apes and humans, the regions where
modern apes are found should be the focal point. This was a bold statement
but typical from Huxley, 1825-1895, who operated as ‘Darwin’s bulldog’
by staunchly defending Darwin’s ideas.
Another of Darwin’s colleagues was Ernst Heinrich Haeckel, 1834-1919.
Haeckel agreed with Huxley on many aspects of the pithecometra thesis.
However, he frequently lectured on the Asian origin of this “missing link”.
Consequently, Eugene Dubois, a student of Haeckel’s indoctrinated with
the idea of Asian hominid origins, traveled to Java, Indonesia in 1890-1892.
It was on this expedition when Dubois made an incredible discovery of
Homo erectus in Asia. Otherwise known as ‘Java Man’, this specimen was
validation of man’s deep ancestry outside of Europe (Birx 1984:160).
The pithecometra thesis and the work of Darwin, Huxley and Haeckel did
much to liberate the European scientific community of its Eurocentric
biases. However, their work did not directly cause a change. It would
take a later revolution in evolutionary thought, i.e. The Neo-Darwinian
Synthesis of the early to mid-1900s, to cause a change in the recovery
of fossils from regions outside Europe. Evidence of this refusal to accept
the fossils that began to trickle in from Asia and Africa in the late
1800s and early 1900s was the Piltdown Hoax.
The perpetrator of this hoax is uncertain but the year and location indicate
a refusal of the growing evidence for man’s antiquity outside of Europe.
In 1912 England a fossil was presented and called Piltdown Man. This specimen
was the mosaic of ape and human features the scientific community had
been looking for in order to argue human/ape affinities. A high, globular
braincase indicated human-like features while the robust jaw and molars
resembled apes. This fossil was used as proof of human evolution in England.
With the ‘discovery’ of this specimen, actual fossil specimens of the
now recognized australopithecine genus coming from Africa were being ignored.
Raymond Dart, who had a fossil skull of an actual hominid showing human-ape
affinities from South Africa was made a joke. Later in the 1950s, as the
Neo-Darwinian Synthesis had thoroughly saturated the European scientific
community, people could not ignore the significant Australopithecus fossils
coming from Africa and the Piltdown Man fossil was re-evaluated. Upon
closer inspection, the cranium was discovered to be of a modern human
and the jaw was from a modern orangutan. The molars had been filed down
to match those of the human upper molars and the surface of this specimen
had been painted to give it the appearance of having been buried for a
long time (Schick and Toth 1993:65). The rejection of this fossil in the
1950s removed a significant barrier blocking the European scientific community’s
view of a more accurate human origin.
The
Legacy of the French: Paul Broca, Professional Anthropology and Polygenism
Paul
Broca initially earned fame in France as an anatomist, in particular for
studying neuroanatomy. Having achieved high celebrity, Broca founded the
Société d’Anthropologie de Paris in 1859. The following
year, the Bulletins de la Société d’Anthropologie were published.
The first issue of the second volume clearly shows what “anthropology”
was to the French, and particularly Broca:
“The aim of the Société d’Anthropologie is the scientific
study of human races” (1861).
Broca’s polygenic view of humanity was further evident in another quote:
“I am among those who think that the great typical differences which separate
human groups are primordial” (1862).
Nevertheless, Broca’s Société was a success and led to the
establishment of the Laboratoire d’Anthropologie in 1867, and more significantly,
the École d’Anthropologie in the Collège de France in 1876.
The École d’Anthropologie was the first “modern” anthropology department
and featured chairs for: Zoological Anthropology, General Anthropology,
Physiological Anthropology, Prehistoric Anthropology (= Archaeology),
History of Civilization, Medical Geography, Ethnology-Philology-Mythology,
and Demography. Broca effectively founded professional anthropology in
France. Furthermore, his school served as the model when anthropology
grew in other countries. Unfortunately, Broca’s school came from “the
tradition of typological essentialism inherited from Medieval Neoplatonism”(Brace
1995).
Broca’s polygenic influence was carried through WWI by his disciples,
Paul Topinard and Joseph Deniker. When the “Allies” won the war, the outlook
of the victors, in this case the French, gained in prestige. The saddest
point of Broca’s polygenic legacy is that it legitimized blatantly racist
policy. “Much of polygenism’s support came from its being considered a
science, as opposed to the religious dogma associated with monogenism”
(Wolpoff, et al 1997). Only after decades of embarrassment over anthropology’s
racist history, and the outrage over Nazi Germany’s “Eugenics” was the
place of polygenism in anthropology put to an end.
Conclusion
The Neo-Darwinian Synthesis, otherwise known as the New Evolutionary Synthesis,
was the product of several scientific endeavors including Mendel’s experiments
in heredity and genetics with pea plants, Darwin’s theory of natural selection,
and Watson and Cricks molecular identification of DNA. Evolution now had
a theoretical means, process and mechanism. The integration of these fields
were, in part, done at the urging of paleontologist George Gaylord Simpson
and others in the 1930s. With this new synthesis came new fossil discoveries.
The Taung Skull in 1924, Peking Man in 1926 and Mary and Louis Leakey’s
excavations at Olduvai Gorge provided fossil evidence to alter the misunderstood
notions of man’s deep antiquity in Europe. It is our belief that this
history of evolutionary thought is sufficient to explain the European
human fossil bias as seen in figure 1.
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